After I previously undertook on myself to respect the results, and after the results of the referendum came out as "yes" and we found ourselves now in a new and different situation, we have to deal with reality and sit down for a comprehensive national dialogue and useful participation of all parties without marginalizing anyone. This is my dialogue initiative which I propose on you, Mr. President, including the principles and criteria necessary for such a dialogue to be effective.
Dear Dr. Mohammed Morsy
President of the Arab Republic of Egypt
I am attaching for you our vision for a national dialogue initiative with the proposed axes in view of the results of the referendum as follows:
National Dialogue Initiative
Egypt is passing now through a historical and sharp juncture characterized by an atmosphere of division and discord among its community members. We no longer have the leisure of constructive dialogue that can get us out of the crisis and instead we have a new approach of violence and mobilization as a means to object or support.
The blood of the Egyptians has been spilt in the streets and everyone has an increasing sense of instability with the looming rift between the sectors of the state; judiciary, media, executive and legislative institutions. Ill intentions and lack of confidence have become the dominant features for most proposals and mechanisms.
How can a homeland stand tall and settle down to achieve the hopes of its citizens when it looks that way? The basic demands of the people make it imperative for all parties to work together for the good of the homeland. The presidential institution has called for an open dialogue, but it came late and at a time when it was difficult for everyone to engage in an unfounded dialogue right before a fateful referendum.
But now since the matter is settled and the people said "yes", all parties must immediately begin a systematic process of dialogue to shape the post-referendum stage by placing suggestions that can be implemented to steer the ship of our country away from this crucial turn. In this context we call upon the concerned parties and political streams to participate in a constructive dialogue with an open heart and mind so we can overcome the ideological stereotypes by proposing solutions that encompass everyone and make all parties feel that they all belong to one entity that they all care for.
This dialogue must be an open door that makes everyone feels he can go through for a better political and economic status. On our part we started our own open door with the parties of the crisis to explore their attitudes and initiatives and some of them have shown to be well prepared to enter into a dialogue that includes the following themes:
First: The new law for the Parliamentary elections which was identified by the constitution in its transitional articles to allocate one-third of the seats for individuals and two-thirds of the seats for party-lists but it did not specify a winning mechanism either with an ordinary or absolute majority on the individual seats or the geographical areas for the constituencies in party-lists system. In both cases this leaves a large area for disputes and this severely affects the final composition of the People's Assembly, which opens an important door for dialogue between the parties concerned.
Second: The legislative priorities of the Shura Council with its new formation in view of the limited duration for assigning it with the legislative role.
Third:Forming technical committees to study the legal amendments anticipated in view of the new constitution to prepare for the next parliament, so it would be a mechanism for reunion, dialogue and consensus among the political parties on the legislative role.
Fourth: Forming a national government that expresses the political diversity of Egypt.
Fifth: Finding a mechanism for societal dialogue and popular control over the government policies in view of the absence of the parliament, especially in the important topics affecting the citizens like prices and taxes in order to avoid confusion in understanding the development projects and the reformative steps taken by the government.
Sixth: Finding a mechanism for popular participation in decision-making after we have seen conflicting decisions and a steady decline which imposes an atmosphere of instability and clogs the flow of domestic and international investment.
Seventh: The role of the presidential institution and its formation in the wake of the previous resignations and the general feeling of the limited experiences and tools that are available for the president to take the right decisions at the right time.
Eighth: Reconsidering the state's policy towards the media, after the media proved to be a crisis-making and crisis-amplification tool while the state continues to deal with the media using policies that exacerbate crisis and discord within the community. Under this axis we suggest to open a debate on the mechanisms that can be worked out for providing information automatically.
Ninth: How to get out of the political crisis and discuss initiatives proposed by all parties to achieve social justice and meet the essential needs of the various denominations of the people.
Tenth: How to integrate women and youth in the social and political life.
Eleventh: How to achieve real independence of the judiciary and motivate its members to return to their tasks diligently and faithfully.
Twelfth: How to acquire the trust and confidence of the local and international communities.
Given the multiplicity of axes I suggest that we begin our dialogue with the priorities then we can organize more meetings to work together for the good of our country.
Sincerely yours,
Anwar El-Sadat
Head of the Reform & Development Party
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